The Three Repairs
Three repairs would make those bargains possible. Repair One changes the machinery of government itself, so that politicians have stronger reasons to close a deal and face clearer consequences when they don't.
Repair One: make politicians answer to voters and results
The first repair does five things. It makes more elections competitive, opens the decisive vote to every eligible voter, removes financial conflicts, forces broadly supported bills into daylight, and attaches a consequence to budget failure.
Fix A: End partisan gerrymandering. Politicians should not draw the districts they run in. Instead, a public formula should draw congressional districts from Census geography and population alone: equal population, contiguous territory, the fewest split counties, then municipalities, then census tracts, and then the most compact shape. Election results, party registration, incumbent addresses, and any demographic data beyond head counts stay out. The one exception is where federal voting-rights law requires them, and every such exception gets published and can be reviewed in court. The code is public, and it is identical in every state.9
Fix B: Replace closed party primaries with one open approval primary. Every qualified candidate goes on one ballot. Every eligible voter may take part, whatever their party registration, and may mark every candidate they would accept. The two with the most approvals advance to a head-to-head general election.
Approval voting is the best mechanism I have found so far for meeting four tests. The permanent commitment is to the tests, not to the mechanism:8
- 1.Every eligible voter can participate in the election that effectively decides the seat.
- 2.Supporting one acceptable candidate does not hurt another through vote splitting.
- 3.The final winner receives majority support in a head-to-head election.
- 4.The ballot is understandable, practical to administer, and auditable by hand.
Approval voting is not sacred. If a better method meets the four tests more completely, we should use it.
Fix C: End investment conflicts in Congress. While a member is in office, the member, their spouse, and their children should be limited to broad-market funds, Treasury securities, cash, a primary home, and similar nonconflicted assets. Individual securities, options, conflicted sector funds, and anything that amounts to a hidden version of those should be prohibited.
Fix D: Give bipartisan bills a vote. A bill with meaningful bipartisan sponsorship should get committee consideration and a recorded floor vote on stable text. Party leaders should not hold a silent pocket veto over a bill that has cleared an objective threshold.
Fix E: Make Congress answer for budget failure. Politicians should not be able to reject a compromise and then use a shutdown as a negotiating tool. Neutral automatic funding should protect the public first. Congress should then face a mandatory conference and protected votes on the same final package. If a chamber still fails to pass it, the proposed backstop is a special election for that chamber within 90 days. That consequence is deliberately severe, because the public has carried the cost of missed deadlines and lawmakers have not. Congressional terms are fixed in the Constitution, which means this backstop would take an amendment.10
Repairs Two and Three put that capacity to work on two sources of national fear, an uncontrolled border and an unaffordable old age. They are proof cases, and they are a new baseline.
Repair Two: control the border and earn legal status
Decades of failed bargains have left the border without real control and millions of long-established residents living outside the law, because each side fears that if it gives ground first, its half of the deal will never arrive.
The immigration bargain is straightforward:
- 1.Control future immigration and shape lawful entry around prosperity and keeping families together.
- 2.Give peaceful, established residents a rigorous earned path to legal status.
Both halves must begin in the same law. If either side must wait for a later promise, the bargain will collapse.
Common sense: a peaceful resident who has lived and worked here for years is not the same case as a recent unlawful entrant, a person convicted of serious violence, an organized-crime participant, or a genuine security threat.
Fix A: Control the system. Fund enough officers, judges, adjudicators, technology, detention alternatives, and working ports to decide cases promptly and fairly. Enforcement should focus on recent unlawful entry, fraud, final removal orders after due process, and serious public-safety threats. The law itself should define those categories so an administration cannot expand them at will.
Fix B: Create lawful channels that match the country's needs and values. Expand immigration based on scarce skills, verified labor demand, entrepreneurship, and job creation, and keep the two commitments this country has always made: immediate families stay together, and a refugee program continues that is vetted, capped, and set by Congress. Employer sponsorship can demonstrate demand, but workers must be able to change jobs and report abuse without losing their legal status.
Fix C: Let established residents earn their way in. Someone who has lived and worked here peacefully for years can earn legal status, not be handed it. The path:
- 1.Come forward, register, and pass identity and background checks.
- 2.Prove years of residence and work, and settle any taxes owed.
- 3.Pay processing costs and a $1,000 penalty, payable over time and waivable for hardship.
- 4.Stay law-abiding through six years of provisional status.
- 5.Then permanent residence, and then the same citizenship process as everyone else.
Work starts on day one: from the first day of provisional status, people work legally, on the books, paying full taxes. Federal benefits do not: general benefits phase in only after five years or permanent residence, whichever comes first. Emergency care, public-health protection, children's services, and disability protections remain available from the start, because those protect everyone.
A common worry is that legal status means millions of people drawing on public resources. The record points the other way: undocumented immigrants already paid an estimated $96.7 billion in federal, state, and local taxes in 2022, including $25.7 billion to Social Security and $6.4 billion to Medicare, programs most of them cannot collect from.11 Legal status brings more of that work and taxpaying into the open. The honest caveat stands: benefits, administration, and state costs still must be accounted for, and the plan says so plainly.
Funded control, lawful channels, targeted enforcement, and provisional registration begin together. No later declaration that the border is “secure” can be allowed to postpone the earned path indefinitely.
Repair Three: keep honest books and build wealth broadly
The debt keeps growing faster than the economy that has to carry it. Social Security's retirement fund runs short in 2032. And most Americans never get to build wealth the way the wealthy do, by owning investments that compound, so retirement starts as an uphill climb.
The first two repairs fix how Washington decides. The third fixes what it has been deciding badly for fifty years: the country's books and its promises. Three moves: cap the debt, tax fairly, and turn retirement from a promise politicians manage into property Americans own.
Common sense: keep honest books, help every American build wealth that funds a real retirement, and tax a dollar the same no matter how it is earned.
Fix A: Put a speed limit on debt. Outside a declared emergency, federal debt should not grow faster than the economy. This is not a balanced-budget gimmick that forces brutal cuts in a recession. It is a speed limit, measured over five years.12 CBO keeps the official score. GAO audits the process. Break the limit, and Congress must vote on a correction, on the record, by name. Real emergencies get real borrowing, but the authority expires after two years unless three-fifths of each chamber extends it and publishes a ten-year path back.
Fix B: Tax a dollar like a dollar. A dollar earned by working and a dollar earned by owning should face the same schedule: wages, capital gains, and carried interest alike. And end the oldest trick in wealth planning: borrow against assets you never sell, live on the loan, pay nothing. Once that kind of personal borrowing crosses $1 million in total, the untaxed gain behind it becomes taxable. Ordinary mortgages and genuine business credit are untouched. Sell later and you are not taxed twice. At death, the remaining gain is finally settled, with protection for spouses, charities, and continuing family businesses and farms.
Fix C: Every American retires with money of their own. Shift from Social Security as an ongoing, unfunded retirement tax to seeding investments that each person owns.
Every child born in America starts life with a $10,000 investment account. At the market's historical return, it grows to roughly $800,000 by age 65, about $2,700 a month while barely touching the principal.13 And the money is theirs: to spend, to keep growing, or to leave to their children. Social Security never let anyone do that.
Markets don't make promises, so the country makes one instead: a floor. If markets underperform or a working life gets interrupted, insurance fills the gap up to $1,700 a month after a full career, with years of caregiving, military service, and disability counting toward it.14 The floor stands behind the account's standard low-cost fund, which automatically gets safer as retirement nears; take bigger risks on your own and the gains are yours, but so is the extra loss.
And everyone already working keeps every promise made. If you are 45 or older, nothing about your retirement changes: you get full Social Security, on schedule. The plan closes the program's funding gap by having high earners pay Social Security tax on all of their pay, the way everyone else already does, so the checks actually clear.
If you are under 45, your retirement comes from two sources that always add up: an investment account the government seeds for you, and a Social Security check. The younger you are, the more your account carries, because it has more years to grow. The older you are, the bigger your Social Security share stays. Together they always equal at least what you are promised today. Nobody's retirement goes down.
Most future retirees will have at least $2,700 a month from money they own. No one who works a full career will retire on less than $1,700. And once fully in place, it costs the government about $40 billion a year in seed deposits, plus a limited insurance backstop, instead of Social Security's $1.4 trillion.
| Born today | 25 today | 35 today | 45 and older | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Your check at 65 | ~$2,700/mo or more | At least today's promised ~$2,000/mo | At least today's promised ~$2,000/mo | Full Social Security, unchanged |
| Yours to leave your family | ~$800,000 — the account is yours | Whatever remains in your account | Whatever remains in your account | Same as today |
| Lifetime cost to government | $10,000 — once | ~$300,000 (vs. ~$480,000 today) | ~$440,000 (vs. ~$480,000 today) | ~$480,000 — unchanged |
Read the bottom row left to right: that is the transition, ending in a system where a full retirement costs the government $10,000 per person, paid once, at birth.
Now the part that sounds impossible: the government can afford this because most retirement money will be invested and compounding, the way the wealthy have always done, and the government is only the guarantor.
| Today's system | This system, fully phased in | |
|---|---|---|
| Cost per year | ~$1.4 trillion, rising | ~$40 billion in seeds, plus an insurance backstop |
| The bill ends | Never | Transition bill closes around 2110 |
| Trust fund | Runs short in 2032 | Nothing to run short; the money is invested and owned |
| Payroll tax for retirement | 10.6 cents of every earned dollar, forever | Falls with the old rolls, toward about 2 cents |
Compounding does the work taxes used to do. The transition has a real price: catch-up accounts for everyone under 45, roughly $140 billion a year for ten years, plus the benefits already owed to today's workers as they phase out. Every number gets published, not promised. But it is a bill that ends. The one we have now never does.
And as the old rolls shrink, the retirement payroll tax shrinks with them, from 10.6 cents of every earned dollar toward two. Workers stop renting their retirement from the government and start owning it.
This is a baseline, not the whole agenda. A country with honest books, broad ownership, and a secure old age has room to take on healthcare and everything else, instead of lurching from one inherited crisis to the next.
SOURCES AND NOTES FOR THIS SECTION
- 8.City of St. Louis Board of Election Commissioners, March 4, 2025 Primary Election Final Official Results, p. 1; North Dakota H.B. 1297 (2025). St. Louis remains the thin municipal record in the approved technical source. Source records S08–S10
- 9.Iowa Code ch. 42, sec. 42.4 (nonpartisan staff have drawn Iowa's maps since 1980 under population-equality, contiguity, fewest-split, and compactness rules, with political data forbidden); Jowei Chen and Jonathan Rodden, Unintentional Gerrymandering: Political Geography and Electoral Bias in Legislatures, Quarterly Journal of Political Science 8, no. 3 (2013): a neutral, compact map is not a proportional one where one party's voters cluster in cities, which is why this fix promises a neutral process, not a neutral outcome; Agee v. Benson, No. 1:22-cv-00272 (W.D. Mich. Dec. 21, 2023), on the human judgment about race that this design confines to one reviewable exception. The 15.0-versus-5.7-percent competitiveness comparison formerly in the source record was retired on August 7, 2026, after its underlying study could not be located; it is not used in the main text. Source records S37, S38, S14
- 10.Constitution Annotated, U.S. Constitution art. I, sec. 2 and amend. XVII. House and Senate terms are constitutionally fixed, so an immediate-election trigger requires an amendment. Source record S16
- 11.Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, Tax Payments by Undocumented Immigrants, July 30, 2024. ITEP is generally regarded as progressive-leaning; its methodology is published. Source record S17
- 12.Congressional Budget Office, source in note 5. The five-year debt-to-GDP window is an author-approved modeling default, not a completed historical validation or fiscal score. Source record S05
- 13.Roughly 3.6 million annual births is based on CDC National Center for Health Statistics data. Multiplying by a $10,000 seed yields about $36 billion before administration. Compounding $10,000 at an assumed 7 percent real return for 65 years yields roughly $800,000; the main text rounds annual seed cost to about $40 billion to allow for administration. The $2,700-a-month figure assumes a roughly 4 percent annual drawdown of an $800,000 balance. These calculations are illustrations, not guarantees.
- 14.U.S. Department of Health and Human Services poverty guidelines; Social Security Administration, Office of the Chief Actuary, solvency provision estimates for special minimum benefits. The main text's $1,700 monthly floor rounds the 125-percent-of-poverty benchmark, about $1,660 per month in 2026. The comparable cost benchmark is SSA OCACT solvency provision B5.2, estimated at 0.10 to 0.17 percent of taxable payroll across the 2022–2025 Trustees Reports: roughly $11 to $19 billion on the stated 2026 payroll base, rounded in the main text to roughly $20 billion at the high end. Neither figure is a score of this design. Source records S22, S29
- 15.The transition figures are author illustrations, not actuarial scores. The roughly $1.4 trillion annual cost reflects current old-age retirement outlays, and 10.6 cents is the retirement share of the 12.4-percent payroll tax. Catch-up accounts for workers under 45 at roughly $140 billion a year for ten years, the approximate 2110 close of the transition, and the lifetime-cost comparisons in the table are unscored estimates at assumed historical returns; the closing payroll-tax level depends on the insurance backstop's final design. The proposal makes no change to the retirement age. Every figure in this section is an unscored author illustration; actuarial scoring is required before any legislative proposal.